Zimbabwe: 2008 Post-harmonised election violence (continued)
On 18 April the MDC claimed that hundreds of their supported had been arrested and that supporters in remote rural areas had had their homes burnt down by ZANU-PF militia (Mpofu 2008). ZLHR (2008) too was aware of at least 30 houses that had been affected by arson across the country. ZADHR (2008a) issued a new statement, increasing the numbers of victims of violence and torture documented by members of the association by the end of 17 April to 242.
On 19 April 2008 based on reports by victims and eye-witnesses, Human Rights Watch (2008a) said that: "ZANU-PF members are setting up torture camps to systematically target, beat, and torture people suspected of having voted for the MDC in last month’s elections". The goal of these activities was, according to the report, to punish those who had supported the MDC in the elections and to intimidate people to vote for Robert Mugabe if there is a presidential run-off. In one instance the police arrested those responsible for beatings, but generally they refused to intervene "saying that they are instructed not to interfere in 'political matters'. Several victims told Human Rights Watch that some police officers encouraged them to take the law into their own hands and 'go and fight back'". The report added that in the high-density suburbs of Harare at least 40 people had been driven from their homes.
Relations between state and some religious bodies became increasingly strained. In late 2007 the Bishop of Harare of the Anglican Church of the Province of Central of Africa (CPCA), Dr Nolbert Kunonga, broke with the CPSA and installed himself as Archbishop of the newly formed "Church of the Province of Zimbabwe" (Conger 2008a). The CPCA responded by removing him as Bishop and installing Dr Sebastian Bakare as acting bishop in his place. Kunonga was able to obtain the support of ZANU-PF in the conflict and ZANU-PF youth and the police disrupted services, beat church goers and denied access to churches to members of the Bakare party, despite repeated court orders ruling that both parties were to have access to church property (Conger 2008b). After the harmonised elections Kunonga accused the Bakare party of being pro-homosexual and pro-MDC and the police clamp-down intensified to the point where, after 21 May, the Bakare party abandoned the church properties and sought alternative venues for services (Bakare 2008a; Bakare 2008b). The CPCA excommunicated Kunonga and the members of his party (Davies, M 2008).
The Catholic Church reported that priests and laypeople were targeted for violence by soldiers and militia groups as perceived opposition supporters, especially in the rural areas, and that many had been forced into hiding (Catholic Information Service for Africa 2008). The church was also prevented from distributing food in areas where famine was prevalent (Catholic Information Service for Africa 2008). The National Association of Non-governmental Organisations (NANGO) complained that secular relief agencies were told by the government to hand over food to state organs for distribution, but had rejected the demand for fear that distribution would be used to reward ZANU-PF supporters and punish opposition supporters; instead they decided to distribute food clandestinely (Kandi 2008).
The general escalation in violence prompted the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops' Conference and the Zimbabwe Council of Churches to appeal to the SADC, the African Union and the United Nations to act to prevent a "genocide similar to that experienced in Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi and other hot spots in Africa and elsewhere" (Churches 2008).
Matters did not improve. The ZADHR (2008b, 2008c) reported that their members continued to treat new victims of violence and torture, 153 cases between 18 April and 24 April alone. They observed (ZADHR 2008c) that "Severe psychological stress is common to all these cases, including the few without major physical findings". Moreover, medical personnel reported that they themselves were increasingly subject to intimidation and physical threat. ZADHR (2008c) also received reports from remote rural areas, where there was no immediate access to health care, of victims of violence being prevented from accessing treatment. Human Rights Watch (2008b) "documented a pattern of increasing violence by ZANU-PF militias and the military, both in the number of incidents recorded and the brutality used".
A new development in the situation was the resort to violence for the first time by members of the opposition. Human Rights Watch (2008b) received reports that "in parts of Mashonaland East and Manicaland provinces, MDC supporters had burned homes of known ZANU-PF supporters and officials". They qualified their report by observing that "the scope of these incidents bears no comparison to the widespread state-sponsored violence by ZANU-PF and its allies", but expressed fears that retaliatory attacks risked escalating the cycle of violence to the detriment of the general population. ZESN (2008, 6-7) observed that: "Threats of repercussions and negative consequences were made by supporters of ZANU PF and MDC should they manage to clinch the presidential win. MDC supporters were threatened with exclusion in government programmes if ZANU PF won the presidential elections and MDC supporters also promised ZANU PF supporters the same fate should they win the presidential election".
References
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