Zimbabwe: 1980 Elections

Extracted from: "Zimbabwe" IN Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa (2002), edited by Tom Lodge, Denis Kadima and David Pottie, EISA, 437-439.

Agreement on a new Constitution, which retained most of the elements of the proportional representation system and British-supervised elections was reached on 17 December 1979, in what became known as the Lancaster House agreements. Cease-fire was declared and 16 500 guerrilla supporters of ZANLA and 5 500 guerrilla supporters of ZIPRA returned to the country.

Despite the temporary retention of racial clauses in the Constitution - 20 seats in the 100-seat Parliament were to be reserved for whites - it established majority rule. The 1980 general elections occurred in two stages on 14 February and between 28 February and 1 March.

The 1980 elections were conducted using a party-list system since the preceding civil war conditions, the high number of refugees, and the limited time before the elections made the determination of fair constituencies an unrealistic short-term objective.

On 14 February 1980 there was to be a poll for the 20 seats on the white voter's roll. In the event 14 of the seats were not contested. All went to Ian Smith's Rhodesian Front (which in June 1981 changed its name to the Republican Front), which acquired 13 622 (83.07%) of the votes (see 1980 House of Assembly results for more details). The party campaigned on a platform of protecting white economic and cultural interests and checking the consequences of unrestrained black majority rule under a Marxist government.

Independent candidates stood in the Bulawayo South, Kopji, Makoni Mount Pleasant, Southern and Western constituencies collectively and mobilised 2 776 (16.93%) votes. Dr Timothy Stamps, later a cabinet minister, who acquired 34% of the votes in Kopji was the only serious opposition to the Rhodesian Front. He campaigned on the need for whites to work for their place in the new order.

In the second stage elections were scheduled for 28 and 29 February and 1 March 1980. The proportional representation features introduced with the preceding constitution were retained. The environment within which the elections were to occur reflected the tensions of a civil war that had preceded it. Lord Soames, the British Governor, armed himself on 5 February 1980 with new powers to restrict meetings, suspend people from campaigning, and to disqualify a party from contesting the general election. He authorised the existing security forces to maintain law and order. About 70 000 men, including regular forces and a 20 000 strong army auxiliary wing were deployed for the elections. Some 600 British policemen were posted to the polling stations.

Both ZANU-PF (as Robert Mugabe's wing was now redesigned) and PF-ZAPU found their offices raided and some of their meetings banned. There were claims and counter-claims of intimidation. Mugabe, who survived two bomb attacks on 6 and 10 February, claimed that some 20 000 of his supporters were arrested during the campaign. Bishop Abel Muzorewa's United African [National] Council (UANC), the party favoured by South Africa and settler interests, was accorded both financial and logistical support reported to be valued at Z$6m. At the end of the process observers nevertheless concurred in the view that the elections had occurred under difficult circumstances but nevertheless to have been substantially free, fair, secret and without undue intimidation.

Voting occurred at 657 polling stations spread across eight districts and staffed by local civil servants supervised by 80 British officials under an electoral commissioner, Sir John Boynton. This occurred under the scrutiny of 200 observers, an eleven-member Commonwealth group and 500 journalists.

In the elections themselves ZANU-PF emerged as the overwhelming victor, with 1 668 992 (62.99%) of the votes and 57 of the 80 seats allocated to Africans (see 1980 House of Assembly results for more details). In its Shona strongholds of Monshonaland East, Central, and West, Victoria, and Manicaland it won between 71 and 87% of the vote. Nkomo's PF-ZAPU acquired 638 879 (24.11%) of the votes and won 20 seats - its overwhelming support being based in Matabeleland. Other parties faired less well. Muzorewa's UANC acquired only 219 307 (8.28%) of the votes and won three seats. ZANU (led by Ndabanigi Sithole); Zimbabwe Democratic Party (James Chikerema); National Front of Zimbabwe (PM Mandaza); National Democratic Union (H Chiota); United National Federal Party (Chief K Ndjweni); United People's Association of Matabeleland (Dr F Bertrand) collectively acquired 122 351 (4.62%) of the vote but failed to win any seats.

Election of the 40-member senate occurred on 12 March. Fourteen were elected by black MPs, ten by white, ten by traditional chiefs, and six by the governor on the recommendation of the prime minister. Garfield Todd, prime minister between 1953 and 1958, was included in this last category.

Independence was formally conferred on 18 April 1980 and Rev Canaan Banana became the ceremonial President. The results reflected the varying contributions of the parties to the liberation struggle, especially in the military field, but had ethnic differences as an additional background.

The resounding success of ZANU-PF was attributable to a number of factors. An extensive power and support base enabled it to determine the final political agenda derived from the credibility and uncompromising commitment. There was a feeling, moreover, among many of the war weary populace that a ZANU-PF electoral victory would secure peace and normality. Muzorewa and Sithole both, potential focus of Shona support, had discredited themselves through their participation in the compromising internal settlement. Muzorewa's use of aircraft conjectured to have been supplied from South Africa and an over-flamboyant campaign further compromised his image.

ZANU-PF projected itself as a party based on socialist principles and responsible for the constitutional changes. It emphasised the weaknesses of its principle electoral rival, PF-ZAPU and the compromised status of the other two black nationalist parties. PF-ZAPU, for its part, as principally a repository of Ndebele support, constituted little more than a minority regional challenge of predictable dimensions. It articulated many of the same sentiments in blander and less doctrinaire language. Like ZANU-PF, it also professed to be in favour of unity and the need to address the land issue. It spoke of the need to uphold equality before the law and the need for equity on gender issues but at the same time favoured the codification of African customary law, which is inherently conservative and progressive in this area. The UANC sought to portray ZANU-PF and PF-ZAPU as beholden to Marxist masters and advanced land redistribution while nevertheless acknowledging the centrality of the white community.