Zanzibar: Post 2005 elections developments

Extracted from: Grant Masterson 2009 "Chapter 13: Tanzania and Zanzibar" IN Denis Kadima and Susan Booysen (eds) Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa 1989-2009: 20 Years of Multiparty Democracy, EISA, Johannesburg, 560-562.

See also Tanzania: Post 2005 elections developments.

In contrast to the ubiquitous presence of the CCM in all facets of life on the mainland, Zanzibar's political contests since 1995 have been fiercely contested, with the CUF repeatedly alleging dirty tactics by the CCM and the state institutions in denying the will of the people through vote-rigging, gerrymandering and ballot-stuffing tactics. Although these allegations have never been proved, administration of elections has featured periodically in the complaints of the opposition and at times the ruling party as well. The 1995 elections were problematic, in turn increasing the suspicions of the opposition prior to the 2000 elections, ultimately requiring international mediation between the two parties after the events of 23 January 2001 in which many people lost their lives in politically related protests on the islands. The narrow margins of victory with which the CCM has claimed victory in all three elections since 1995 highlight the importance of an electoral administration that is above reproach and enjoys the confidence of all political actors.

The Muafaka II Accord and the establishment of the Joint Parliamentary Supervisory Commission (JPSC) to oversee the implementation of the reforms proposed in the agreement have undoubtedly improved confidence levels in the ZEC and the administration of elections in Zanzibar. However, the islands continue to face challenges in the administration of elections despite the accords. The establishment of a PVR is a crucial and valuable step towards transparency and accountability of the voter's roll, but questions remain regarding the role of shehas in the electoral process, as well as the problematic requirement that a person must prove that s/he has resided in a particular constituency for a minimum of three years prior to voting in order to be eligible to vote in an election [see Voter registration and voters' rolls for details]. The reduction of constituencies in Pemba and the increased number on Unguja Island, where the CCM draws more support than the CUF, has also been problematic. Finally, the highly disproportional nature of the electoral system for the election of members of the Zanzibar House of Representatives needs to be re-examined. These issues need to be addressed in order to continue the good work which was begun prior to the 2005 elections, and in order to avoid a recurrence of the violence and chaos that characterised the 2000 elections landscape.

Towards power sharing

In June 2010 Zanzibaris endorsed a proposed constitutional amendment that enshrined an agreement between the CCM and CUF to share executive power after the October 2010 elections (see 2010 Referendum results). The arrangement provided for two Vice Presidents, the first of whom would be allocated to the main opposition party in the House of Representatives and for ministries in the Revolutionary Government to be allocated according to the number of seats won in the House of Representatives by each party.